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North Korea’s business guides

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North Korea’s business guides


Two years after Geoffrey See first visited North Korea, the Yale postgraduate received a message from a Pyongyang government official seeking his help.

It was near the end of 2009, soon after a currency devaluation had virtually wiped out the savings of many North Korean small traders. The reform was a disaster, prompting rare bouts of civil unrest and the execution of the finance official supposedly responsible.

 But the request from Pyongyang provided a vital opportunity for Mr See, then 24, who had already spent months seeking ways to run business training schemes in North Korea. He now runs Choson Exchange, a non-profit group that has trained hundreds of North Koreans in modern management practices.

“The currency reform . . . . made them aware that there were a lot of things that they didn’t know about,” says Mr See. When he received the invitation to organise a training programme on exchange rates, he enlisted friends from banking and economic development agencies to run a finance workshop in Pyongyang.

Since then, Choson Exchange has won the blessing of its North Korean government partners to run training programmes – in both North Korea and Mr See’s native Singapore – at growing scale and frequency. More than 180 trainees took part in the first quarter of this year alone.

The courses are designed to support North Korea’s growing numbers of small-business owners, as the state shows increasing flexibility towards breaches of its collectivist official dog­ma in its efforts to revitalise a long-stagnant economy. Most Choson Exchange trainees work at state companies or institutions. But others are running small enterprises, typically restaurants or cafés, and the programme hopes to encourage more Koreans to follow suit.

The sessions in North Korea involve a foreign volunteer – usually an entrepreneur, or a marketing expert – giving a talk on western business practices, with the aid of an interpreter.

“There’s a broad set of vocabulary that is missing” where business is concerned, notes Andray Abrahamian, executive director of Choson Exchange. “When the workshop leader delivers a sentence, the translator might speak for a couple of minutes to make sure the message got through.

” Workshop leaders have lectured on topics from corporate social responsibility to asset-liability management. Practical exercises focus on skills that participants can use, from planning a business strategy to practising catering to customer tastes with role-play drills where they make paper toys for which they must find a buyer.
 “What they lack is what people pick up just by growing up in a western economy. Seeing businesses succeed and fail gives an understanding of how customer relationships work,” says Nils Weisensee, a Shanghai-based entrepreneur who joined Choson Exchange last year.

Mr See worked at the consulting group Bain in Boston for a year while getting Choson Exchange off the ground, and the training programmes are suffused with modern business buzzwords, from lean production to ecommerce.

Such terms sit oddly with North Korea’s official ideology, which continues to praise the “monolithic leadership system” under supreme leader Kim Jong Un. When Mr Kim’s uncle and top adviser Jang Song Thaek was executed last year, his “decadent capitalist lifestyle” was cited among his crimes.

Yet Pyongyang has been showing interest in foreign practices as it battles to progress towards Mr Kim’s promised “thriving socialist country”. North Korea’s ambassador to London, Hyon Hak Bong, told the Financial Times in an interview this year of research visits to countries such as Singapore and Malaysia to learn from their successful development.

“We want to learn from advanced economies but some countries keep their doors closed,” he said. Analysts say the state’s increasingly sanguine attitude towards the market is largely a pragmatic response to a growing private economy that it was unable to suppress.

 When the state distribution system broke down in the early 1990s, famine forced people to resort to private trade to survive. Now the network of black markets continues to flourish, providing sustenance for millions of North Koreans. They are usually ramshackle marketplaces, selling goods from foodstuffs to consumer electronics.

Choson Exchange mainly helps upper-middle class people who run, or hope to run, businesses in Pyongyang. Yet even these relatively privileged entrepreneurs are on precarious ground in a country where private enterprise re­mains officially off-limits. Most of their businesses are nominally part of a state-owned enterprise: in practice, this arrangement gives managers autonomy in running their business, provided they distribute part of their profits to the state company.

“The legal framework in which they operate is convoluted,” says Mr Abrahamian. Choson Exchange’s focus on business skills contrasts with other North Korea-related charities that concentrate on helping refugees from the country, or drawing attention to its appalling system of prison camps and political repression.

But the full importance of Choson Exchange’s work may become clear only after a North Korean transition to a truly market-based economy, when it would be in dire need of people who understand modern business, says Andrei Lan­kov, a professor at Seoul’s Kookmin University.

“They are one of a few groups doing something that makes sense,” he says. “The only way to change North Korea is to expose North Koreans – especially the elite – to some knowledge of the outside world.” Choson Exchange tackles this in an unusually direct way: by taking its most promising trainees to Singapore to ex­pose them to the cutting edge of Asian capitalism.

Permission – and resources – to travel abroad are hard to come by in North Korea, even for Pyongyang residents. Most of the trainees have never left the country, and even the exceptions have nearly always been only to northeast China. Yet the organisation has been allowed to take groups of North Korean public employees on seven trips to Singapore that include tours of shops and meeting businesspeople and a member of parliament. The city-state is “a fantastic platform from which to engage North Korea”, says Mr Abrahamian, as it offers an example of an Asian state that achieved rapid development while maintaining strong state control. Participants have been sent out into a Singapore shopping district to compile a report using technical marketing frameworks.

They are trained in online research – a skill that, for now, they cannot use at home – and in creating a product brand, including logos, slogans and voice-overs. The experience has been overwhelming for many, says Mr See. “On the last trip, it was difficult to pull them out of shops.” But there have been no attempts to avoid returning to Pyongyang.

“Some of them actually want to go home early,” says Mr See. “It’s: ‘I have work to do, money to make.’ Busy business people are the same everywhere.” Pyongyang’s initiatives to offer greater economic freedom To expect “policy change” from North Korea, the country’s official media wrote two years ago, “is nothing but a foolish and silly dream just like wanting the sun to rise in the west.

” Yet while Pyongyang has angrily dismissed talk of reform, it has been developing initiatives that give citizens and foreign investors greater economic freedom, and drawing on lessons from abroad.

Pyongyang has experimented with schemes that allow some farmers to keep a substantial share of their production, and it is moving to grant more autonomy to the distribution sector, a senior official said last year. It has also put growing emphasis on its embrace of special economic zones, where foreign investors benefit from tax concessions – emulating an innovation that jump-started China’s economic growth over the past three decades. Last year North Korea announced plans for 14 new SEZs.

China and Russia have lent support to this initiative, especially to the existing SEZ at the port of Rason, which was connected to the Russian rail network last month. But many western investors are waiting for the lifting of the extensive international sanctions against North Korea before committing capital to the country, says Michael Hay, a corporate consultant in Pyongyang.

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